Abdul Rahman Yusuf al-Qaradawi: Abduction shows the counter-revolution is alive and well
The abduction of Egyptian dissident Abdul Rahman Yusuf al-Qaradawi by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) this week marks a significant incident that will resonate across the Arab world.
The case casts a long shadow over the region’s political landscape, particularly in Lebanon. What transpired resembles the actions of a criminal gang, with no regard for legal or humanitarian considerations.
Qaradawi, a dual Egyptian-Turkish national, was detained by Lebanese authorities before being unlawfully deported to the UAE despite having no citizenship ties to either - a precedent-setting act that took place in full view of the international community.
This incident can be analysed on multiple levels. On the domestic Lebanese front, it raises questions about adherence to the rule of law, international treaties, and the integrity of Lebanese state institutions and the political actors who control them.
Regionally, it reflects a broader power struggle within a reconfigured Middle East, where Israel seeks dominance. Qaradawi’s case cannot be dissociated from the sweeping changes that have been taking place in the region since the start of the Gaza war in October 2023.
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From a legal standpoint, Lebanon’s decision to extradite Qaradawi to the UAE raises many questions, as extradition typically requires bilateral agreements between the countries involved as well as guarantees that the extradited individual will not face torture or an unfair trial.
While a memorandum from the Lebanese government called Qaradawi’s case a “sovereign matter”, it is fair to assume that the rationale was political rather than legal. There is no treaty with legal force governing extradition between Lebanon and the UAE, and the memo noted that the justification for deportation rested on a promise by the UAE to reciprocate in similar cases.
Contravening legal norms
Furthermore, the charges against Qaradawi were tied to opinions he shared on social media, where he recently expressed hope that Syria’s post-Assad future would not be hindered by Arab states, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
His expedited deportation, denying him the opportunity to appeal, contravenes legal norms and underscores the political motivations behind the decision. The move highlights the collaboration between certain Arab states in suppressing political dissidents, which raises concerns about these countries’ commitment to international human rights standards.
The deportation of an Egyptian citizen to a country where he holds no citizenship underscores the fragility and lack of independence of the Lebanese judiciary. It also exposes the influence of Gulf wealth in manipulating Lebanon’s political class.
In this reconfigured Middle East, human rights and international law are being sidelined. Qaradawi is not the sole victim
The Lebanese cabinet’s decision on the matter indicates that UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan promised Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati that Qaradawi would receive a fair trial - a vow that contrasts sharply with the UAE’s poor human rights record. Lebanon’s ensuing actions reflect its lack of autonomy, as the state prioritises economic interests over its reputation and sovereignty.
On the political front, Qaradawi’s abduction highlights emerging dynamics and power shifts within the Middle East. It aligns with efforts to establish a new regional order dominated by Israel, which is being positioned as the leader of an alliance that includes a number of Arab regimes against the Iranian-led axis of resistance.
In this reconfigured Middle East, human rights and international law are being sidelined. Qaradawi is not the sole victim; Gaza has long suffered under a similar equation, as regional actors focus solely on managing the conflict rather than resolving it.
Efforts to end the Gaza war have been limited to hostage negotiations, ceasefire talks and the provision of humanitarian aid, while states maintain robust coordination with Israel. This underscores a broader regional trend of sacrificing human rights for political expediency.
Prime target
At the same time, Qaradawi’s abduction reflects the persistence of counter-revolutionary efforts aimed at suppressing dissent and revolutionary movements in the region. A prominent figure in Egypt’s 2011 uprising, Qaradawi played a key role in the movement leading to the ousting of former President Hosni Mubarak and has been an outspoken critic of authoritarian regimes, including through his poetry.
These characteristics made him a prime target for counter-revolutionary forces in Egypt and the UAE. After supporting the 2013 military coup in Egypt, the UAE and other Gulf states sought to consolidate their control over the region by using their wealth and influence to suppress movements for political change.
The region’s dynamics are deeply intertwined with the Syrian conflict, where the fall of President Bashar al-Assad has had significant implications. For counter-revolutionary forces, it undermined the narrative that revolutionary uprisings bring permanent destruction and division, with Syria serving as their primary example.
Moreover, the rise of Islamist forces in Syria, regardless of their affiliations, is perceived as a threat. This coincides with Turkey’s growing influence in the region and Iran’s declining presence. The weakening of Hezbollah, including the assassination of its leader, has further diminished Iran’s influence, particularly in Lebanon.
The region has thus returned to older tensions, marked by the Gulf-Egyptian axis fearing the resurgence of political Islam and its alliance with Turkey. Turkey, for its part, seeks to revive its historical project of expanding its regional influence, leveraging its role in conflicts such as those in Syria and Libya.
Turkey’s strategic management of these crises, including its calculated expansion in Syria, demonstrates its intent to reassure Gulf states while simultaneously advancing its interests.
Qaradawi’s abduction is a byproduct of these shifting regional dynamics. It reflects Turkey’s pursuit of regional expansion, Lebanon’s shifting internal power balance in the wake of Hezbollah’s decline, and Syria’s attempts to navigate counter-revolutionary pressures.
At the same time, it underscores the growing authoritarianism of regional states, inspired by Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, whose model has become the counter-revolutionary archetype across the Middle East.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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