Gaza genocide: This is the moment to reclaim Palestinian agency
Amid the erosion of the Palestinian national project, the absence of a unified political programme and effective leadership, the fragmentation of the body politic, and the disorientation accompanying all of this, Palestinians today stand at a historic and existential crossroads.
At this moment - one defined by expanding “grey zones” and ambiguity, which has become an integral component of the colonial system and its structures of control and domination - it is more necessary than ever to discuss, analyse and clarify what cards Palestinians still hold.
These are the tools that could move Palestinians away from a state of defeat, weakness and disorientation, and into a better position to confront Israel’s ongoing attempts to erase Palestinian identity and existence.
This requires, by necessity, a serious and sincere process of self-reflection and self-critique - a prerequisite for building a different future, something fundamentally new that is attuned to the realities of the current moment, the consequences of genocide, and the collective political failure of the Palestinian national movement.
Over the past three decades, this national movement has failed to establish a resilient Palestinian political body capable of manoeuvring and adapting in a principled, visionary manner to the structural transformations taking place regionally and globally.
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More importantly, this movement has failed to build an inclusive, authoritative, legitimate and effective national framework, under which Palestinians of diverse political orientations could gather; a representative political umbrella broad enough to accommodate differing political visions.
Unity does not mean that Palestinian ideas must dissolve and melt into a single political programme. Such a notion contradicts political pluralism. Rather, unity lies in interaction, intersection, engagement and disagreement among political programmes, within the context of a common objective for a liberated future that places freedom, dignity, self-determination and return as collective goals.
Politics of exclusion
The politics of exclusion, which intersects with the colonial objective of fragmentation, has been pursued in practice by the dominant actors within the Palestinian national movement - particularly over the past two decades - through the institutionalisation and entrenchment of intra-Palestinian divisions, and the resulting weakening of the national project.
Thus, in light of what has become evident over the past two years - and given the ways in which Fatah and Hamas have engaged with unfolding regional transformations - accountability and political reckoning for the forces behind Palestinian division is not a luxury. It is a core component of any transformative process, including the reconstruction of Gaza, if the aim is to inaugurate a new political phase that learns from the past and builds towards legitimacy, representation, and the centrality of people within politics.
The current moment, and the still-emerging shape of the reconstruction process in Gaza, offers a critical entry point that must not be squandered. It is an opportunity for accountability, and for laying new foundations for collective Palestinian political practice.
This Gaza covenant could form one chapter of a broader 'freedom charter' for a comprehensive Palestinian national dialogue grounded in critical reflection
Material and physical reconstruction must be accompanied by serious political reconstruction: rebuilding Palestinian politics and governance in ways that redefine the nature of political institutions, leadership, vision and national dialogue.
This also requires rethinking political discourse, strategies for political action, forms and tools of resistance, and the roles of institutions and civil society, along a path that brings Palestinians closer to freedom - rather than merely adapting policies and actions to improve living conditions under colonialism.
To embark on such a transformative process, it is necessary to identify the locations and pillars of Palestinian self-power, and to invest in them. This goes beyond the central importance of Palestinian presence, existence and steadfastness in the face of Israel's constant attempts at uprooting.
Presence, existence and steadfastness themselves require reinforcement, nourishment and strengthening, enabling their evolution from a reactive posture into a generative force; from static endurance into engaged action. The transformative potential of these qualities requires visionary leadership, institutional mechanisms, and channels for effective political action.
Competitive advantages
As a social-movement society, one characterised by social dynamism, Palestinians possess competitive advantages, capable at their core of converting strength into action when certain conditions exist: leadership, functional institutions, vision, participation and accountability.
These are not unattainable ideals; they simply require reorienting the compass of Palestinian political action towards an engaged, confrontational and self-confident posture, building on clearly identified sources of internal strength.
After two years of genocide, the task of constructing a “matrix of Palestinian self-power” appears more urgent than ever. This matrix, which should emerge from collective work, must frame existing Palestinian strengths: human and social capital, an engaged and active civil society, mechanisms of resilience and resistance, entrepreneurial practices across sectors, and marginalised social groups capable of driving change, among others.
After repeated experiences of defeat, weakness and disorientation, such a matrix could serve as a vital step towards building a “menu of hope” amid immense pain.
This “menu” could become a reference point for revitalising Palestinian action, highlighting areas of internal strength open to investment and development, and reminding Palestinians themselves of the capacities they possess - many of which international and local actors have sought to strip away over decades.
The time has come to reclaim sources of power in practical and tangible terms, enabling sustainable transformative change in the long term. Physical and material reconstruction is important, but as experience repeatedly shows, buildings are vulnerable to rapid destruction by colonial forces. Organic sources of strength rooted in Palestinian capabilities, on the other hand, grow stronger when transformed from mere tools of survival into active agents of change.
To realise the above-mentioned strategies, a third pillar is required: an organising covenant or charter for Gaza, which would define guiding principles, regulatory foundations, accountability mechanisms, and a locally owned vision for Gaza’s future, drawing on the work of Palestinian civil society over the past two years. This document could help chart an alternative path to the plans currently being devised by the Trump administration for Palestinians in Gaza and beyond.
This Gaza covenant could form one chapter of a broader “freedom charter” for a comprehensive Palestinian national dialogue grounded in critical reflection. Such a dialogue would adopt a holistic approach to reconstruction, one that necessarily includes the rebuilding of political agency centred on people and popular participation, as we move towards a future in which Palestinians determine their own destiny.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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