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Israel has become like the Soviet Union in its dying days

We are witnessing hypernormalisation in Israel, which is increasingly divorced from reality amid the slaughter in Gaza
A portrait of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seen during an anti-government protest in Tel Aviv on 29 March 2025 (Jack Guez/AFP)
A portrait of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seen during an anti-government protest in Tel Aviv on 29 March 2025 (Jack Guez/AFP)

Two decades ago, Russian American anthropologist Alexei Yurchak coined the term “hypernormalisation” to describe the absurd and surreal reality of the Soviet Union during its final two decades. 

In that era, both citizens and officials knew the Soviet system was dysfunctional and no longer reflected reality - yet everyone continued as if nothing was wrong. 

Few could have imagined that the Berlin Wall would collapse, or that the mighty Soviet Union would disintegrate into 15 independent states, with Russia relying on US wheat imports in the 1990s.

Looking back, it’s easy to identify the broken parts of that system and understand just how surreal and unsustainable - what Yurchak framed as hypernormalised - it truly was. 

Now, consider this: 15 medics and rescue workers were recently executed by the Israeli army in Gaza, and after one captured the moment on video - refuting the Israeli army’s official narrative - the world is asking questions. 

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In Israel, however, the story barely made a ripple. There has been no public reckoning, no moral introspection - except from the families of hostages, who continue to advocate for their loved ones without acknowledging the catastrophic suffering being inflicted in their name on two million Palestinians in Gaza.

The very fact that rescue workers were executed in a manner reminiscent of dystopian films - without any justification - while Israeli society carries on as if it happened on another planet is staggering. 

Not a single Israeli politician submitted a query or criticised the incident. Amid this madness, Israeli society appears to be in a state of cognitive dissonance, divorced from reality itself.

Dismantling state institutions

Late last year, the Israeli branch of Amnesty International refused to accept the organisation’s own report on the genocide in Gaza. This, despite the fact that Amnesty Israel - which was subsequently suspended by the international organisation - has the most direct exposure to the horrors in Gaza and the public discourse that legitimises them. 

Israel’s war has killed more than 50,800 people in Gaza and inflicted widespread starvation. Israeli society’s hypernormalised acceptance of this violence comes as the nation sinks further into absurdity, with its prime minister dismantling the very institutions of the state. 


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During his recent visit to Hungary, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was awarded an honorary doctorate from the University of Public Service in Budapest. Apparently, orchestrating a genocide and being wanted by the International Criminal Court qualifies one for academic honours. 

More astonishingly, while standing in an institution meant to train civil servants, Netanyahu attacked the civil service itself, invoking his father’s warning about the power of the “deep state”.

That term is believed to have originated in Turkey around the 1990s to describe covert networks of generals and high-level bureaucrats operating beyond democratic oversight. Netanyahu, however, knows full well that Israel doesn’t have a deep state - because it doesn’t need one.

There is nothing normal about what's happening in Israel right now. The idea that this madness can continue indefinitely is not just absurd; it's dangerous

Take three of Israel’s most central institutions: the military, police and Supreme Court.

The army is undergoing upheavals, with a large number of commanders either resigning or being dismissed after the failures of 7 October 2023. Police services are unravelling under the influence of far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, with Shin Bet looking into alleged “infiltration by Kahanists”.

And the Supreme Court, often accused of promoting a leftist or liberal agenda, is, in fact, more concerned with shielding Israel internationally. Even when faced with core identity issues - such as the controversial nation-state law, which entrenches Jewish superiority over Palestinian citizens - the court provides full legal validation. This is the same court that legitimises settler land grabs in the occupied West Bank.

Unlike in normal democracies, Israeli security figures are not only admired; they are professionally funnelled into politics. From Moshe Dayan to Yitzhak Rabin, Ariel Sharon, Shaul Mofaz, Benny Gantz and many others, security credentials are a direct pipeline to power.

At the same time, while Netanyahu rails against bureaucratic control, his wife and son have been accused of meddling in senior state appointments, despite having no legal authority. Both have become polarising figures - idolised by parts of the population and despised by others. 

Rejecting soft power

Beyond Israel’s domestic collapse, Netanyahu continues to pursue his dangerous regional ambitions. Upon returning from a recent visit to the White House, he reportedly pressed Washington to consider a strike on Iran if certain conditions in US-Iran negotiations weren’t met. Simultaneously, he’s pushing for fragmentation in Syria in ways that favour Israeli strategic interests - as if Syrians have no say over their own future.

Netanyahu continues to speak of a Gaza transfer plan, even as the Arab world and the international community reject the notion as a dangerous threat to global stability.

And yet, across Israeli highways, you’ll still find giant billboards of US President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman under the slogan: “Israel is ready for normalisation with Saudi Arabia.” 

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Contrary to what Netanyahu and many Israelis wish to believe, Israel cannot be a regional hegemon. This is not because it lacks military power; on the contrary, with US and broader western backing, it wields considerable force. Rather, it is because Israel fundamentally rejects soft power. 

Nuclear powers around the world balance hard power with soft power, knowing full well that tanks and sanctions can’t control everything. Culture, social change, climate, people - these, too, shape global affairs. 

In addition, demography and geography do not favour Israel in relation to the territories it wishes to hold, and the millions of Syrian, Lebanese and Palestinian people it wants to control.

Israel’s reliance on force alone is already showing signs of collapse. Political tensions among different Israeli groups - especially around the issue of the hostages - are beginning to affect the army itself, with reserve soldiers experiencing widespread burnout. The long-term psychological effects of war on soldiers are real, and the social price is only beginning to show.

There is nothing normal about what’s happening in Israel right now. The idea that this madness can continue indefinitely is not just absurd; it’s dangerous.  

Netanyahu’s reckless regional adventurism is not only destabilising the Middle East - it’s tearing apart Israeli society itself.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Abed Abou Shhadeh is a political activist based in Jaffa. Abou Shhadeh served as a city council representative of the Palestinian community in Jaffa-Tel Aviv from 2018 to 2024 and he holds an MA degree in political science from Tel Aviv university
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