Palestinians in Israel face persecution as far right settlers seize control of the state
From the earliest days of the genocide in Gaza, Israeli society quickly aligned itself with the aggressive rhetoric of its politicians, fuelling the state’s crackdown on Palestinian citizens.
Many Israelis took it upon themselves to incite violence, humiliate Palestinians, and even call for the arrest of Palestinian citizens who expressed outrage over the unfolding atrocities in Gaza.
Palestinians within the Green Line understood the new reality, and responded by adopting a politics of silence.
They avoided political discourse with Israelis, restricted or deleted their social media presence, and severed ties with Israeli acquaintances amid widespread incitement.
As harrowing images emerged from Gaza, Palestinians inside Israel saw the extent of public support for Israeli war crimes, and realised that with the right political climate, nothing would stop the state from taking extreme measures against them - including a return to the military rule they endured from 1948 to 1967, or worse, mass expulsion.
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They saw parliamentary debates over revoking citizenship for Palestinians, deporting people to Gaza, restricting political representation in the Knesset, and otherwise stripping away fundamental civil rights.
As fewer Palestinians engaged in public political debates or Israeli news panels, right-wing groups shifted their focus. They began monitoring Arabic-language media and social media platforms, actively searching for Palestinian citizens expressing political opinions that deviated from the Israeli consensus - specifically, those condemning the genocide.
Once identified, these individuals became targets of incitement campaigns and institutional crackdowns.
Chilling reality
Last week, Palestinian comedian Nidal Badarneh was detained and questioned by Israeli police under the pretext of “posing a danger to the public”. Badarneh had been pushed by right-wing groups to cancel his performances in Israel, after they accused him of making light of the situation of Israeli captives in Gaza.
Meanwhile, journalist Saeed Hassanain was dismissed from his position as a football announcer after publicly lauding Hamas for its treatment of Israeli captives, and denouncing the Israeli army. Soon afterwards, Israeli police raided his home and arrested him.
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An Israeli judge subsequently extended Hassanain’s detention, stating: “After reviewing the case, I find that the question of whether these statements constitute praise or identification with a terrorist organisation, incitement, or merely an opinion that does not align with the national consensus will be examined further during the investigation.”
This highlights a chilling reality: the Israeli judiciary now operates according to the prevailing political atmosphere, rather than the law itself.
The settler right now wields enough influence to push through fundamental changes in state institutions
Israel’s legal and law enforcement systems have fully adapted to this new reality - a transformation that began more than a decade ago, but reached its peak with the rise of the settler right wing.
Whether through representation in Israel’s ruling coalition, gaining key ministerial positions, or the growing popularity of Religious Zionist politicians in general, the settler right now wields enough influence to push through fundamental changes in state institutions.
This was evident in how former National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir tightened his grip on the police force, reshaping it to align with his ideological vision. Meanwhile, Justice Minister Yariv Levin has advanced judicial reforms aimed at weakening the courts, while Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich continues to cut funding and services for Palestinian citizens within the Green Line.
Precarious position
These shifts have placed Palestinian citizens of Israel in an increasingly precarious position. Lacking independent institutions to protect them or represent them on the international stage, they remain vulnerable within an Israeli society that has actively participated in, or supported, the devastation in Gaza.
Every political expression - once legally protected - is now scrutinised, and any statement can lead to incitement campaigns or arrest.
More alarmingly, within Israeli society, Palestinian citizens are seen as the only ones who can potentially “absolve” Israelis of their moral burden. Many Israelis seek validation that, despite the horrors in Gaza, Lebanon and the broader Arab world, there are still Arabs willing to understand and forgive them.
Yet, despite their political and economic vulnerability and their dependence on the Israeli economy, Palestinian citizens are refusing to provide this absolution. They are taking a principled stand against war and bloodshed - an act that frustrates many Israelis, who still view themselves as the ultimate victims.
Israeli political culture has long treated Palestinian citizens as a fifth column, but until recently, there were at least legal safeguards protecting their individual rights. As the political landscape shifts, so does Israel’s approach to all Palestinians, from the river to the sea. A weakened judiciary and a politicised police force have allowed the extreme right’s agenda to gain traction.
A particularly concerning indicator is the fact that three-quarters of Israelis now support the mass expulsion of Palestinians. If we exclude the 20 percent of Palestinian citizens from the equation, this means that nearly the entire Jewish public in Israel supports ethnic cleansing. There is little to prevent these ideas from being implemented, not only in Gaza, but also in the occupied West Bank and against Palestinian citizens of Israel.
Aligning with Zionist history, Israel and its citizens still cling to the belief that every problem can be solved through brute force. But as they become increasingly violent, their actions reveal not strength, but deep-seated insecurity. The current wave of persecution against Palestinian citizens is a testament to that weakness.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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