Syria after Assad: Paris and Berlin have no ethical lessons to offer Damascus
German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock’s recent visit to Damascus has stirred a great deal of controversy, much of it centred on diplomatic protocols, after Syria’s new leader refused to shake her hand.
Baerbock’s casual attire also provoked online commentary, with some describing her lack of a formal suit or jacket as a sign of contempt for her hosts.
Superficial formalities aside, Baerbock sent two clear messages reflecting the European position on Syria. By visiting alongside her counterpart from France, she indicated that the two pillars of the European Union - economic and political - were jointly engaging with Damascus.
Berlin also conveyed the message that it was primarily concerned with defending the Kurdish people, and that it would not provide financial support for new Islamic structures.
This underscores Germany’s support for a separatist Kurdish entity in northeastern Syria that could be used against Damascus and Ankara. This is Berlin’s official stance and that of most European capitals, with a goal to weaken the centre, rather than to ensure justice, citizenship and cultural rights for Kurds in a predominantly Arabic-speaking society.
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Baerbock’s rejection of Islamic structures in Syrian society represents her country’s broader policy towards the Middle East, where Germany rejects any form of “political Islam”, whether moderate or extreme.
Berlin has repeatedly expressed its refusal to engage with expressions of political Islam in the region, preferring instead to endorse secular liberal forces, which often lack any significant presence on the ground.
Colonialist discourse
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot, on the other hand, used his visit to Damascus to meet representatives of the Christian community, professing France’s unwavering commitment to their defence.
Ironically, ultra-secular France, which perpetually preaches a republican model that transcends religious and ethnic affiliations, thus morphed into a spokesperson for Eastern Christianity and a defender of its faithful, as its much-vaunted notions of universal citizenship evaporated.
Secular republic at home, Christian crusader abroad; this intriguing paradox is far from being new
Secular republic at home, Christian crusader abroad; this intriguing paradox is far from being new. Two centuries ago, as France was waging a ruthless war against the Catholic Church, curbing its influence on education, politics and public affairs, Napoleon’s armies marched through Egypt and the Levant, bearing the banner of Christianity as the benevolent custodian of its various denominations. This opportunistic double standard still drives French foreign policy today.
It was amusing to see Barrot’s unease, at an audience he had convened to pledge support for Syrian Christians, when a member of the Syrian Orthodox Christian community responded by saying: “We do not require foreign protection. All we want is to live as equal Syrian citizens, free from any injustice. We want justice for us and all our fellow Syrians.”
The moral clarity of these words powerfully dismantled the French colonialist “divide and conquer” discourse, which has been carefully disguised in bogus humanitarian moral terms.
Shameless justifications
Similarly, many Arabs were aghast as Baerbock issued her list of demands in Damascus, from protection for Kurds to warnings against the “Islamisation” of education and legislation.
Just weeks ago, this self-proclaimed defender of Syrian women was shamelessly justifying Israel’s war on Gaza, which has included the burning alive of displaced Palestinian women and children in their tents: “When Hamas terrorists hide behind people, behind schools … civilian places lose their protected status,” she said, parroting Israeli propaganda.
Rather than being viewed as a moral defender of women and minorities, the German government is despised by millions of Arabs, seen as a partner in Israel’s crimes by supplying hundreds of millions of dollars in weapons exports to support the Gaza genocide.
Nor does Paris have any ethical lessons to offer Syria, given its horrific record in former colonies, from Algeria to Senegal - not to mention its support for military coups and brutal dictatorships, such as the Sisi regime in Egypt and warlord Khalifa Haftar in Libya.
Many Arabs find it difficult to fathom the sheer arrogance with which European leaders still view their region, while remaining dependent on its oil, gas, straits and markets.
If anything, Europe needs the Middle East more than vice versa, for the world is far vaster than Paris, Berlin or London - which, in today’s balance of powers, are at best small-to-average players among much mightier forces. Let’s have some realism and a measure of humility, please.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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